Lok Sabha Debates
Resolution Regarding Review Of Decision To Withdraw Quantitative Restrictions ... on 17 August, 2001
15.53 hrs. Title: Resolution regarding review of decision to withdraw quantitative restrictions moved by Shri Sunil Khan.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Now the House will take up the Resolution on the review of decision to withdraw quantitative restrictions to be moved by Shri Sunil Khan.
Before we take up the Resolution for discussion, we have to fix the time to this Resolution. Shall we fix two hours? Does the House agree?
SEVERAL HON. MEMBERS: Yes.… (Interruptions)
MR. CHAIRMAN: It is for the first time. If the House desires, we can consider extending the time later on.
SHRI SUNIL KHAN (DURGAPUR): I beg to move:-
"As the decision to withdraw the quantitative restrictions with effect from 1st April, 2001 will seriously affect Indian economy and result in closure of domestic industries and severe unemployment, this House urges upon the Government to review its decision and to renegotiate the terms of General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) in order to protect the industrial and agricultural sector. "Sir, I want to draw the attention of the House as well as of the Cabinet. The poor and the developing countries are being looted by the developed countries like America and colonial Western rich countries. The system by which they loot us is called WTO. As per the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs, there was a discussion in Bretton Budo with World Bank and IMF. In India, there was the first Ministerial Conference in 1944. India was a Member in 1948. The main object was to exchange commodities from one country to another country. The object of the GATT was to simplify the system. The noted economist, Dr. Anil Kruger, has described quantitative restrictions, licence and restrictions as rent seeking activities which carry a premium to windfall profit for the quota holders.
This is why, some analysts in India have defined ‘QRS’ as ‘quota raj’, which breeds corruption and inefficiency.
The Agreement on Agriculture forms a part of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations and was signed by the member countries in April, 1994 at Marrakesh, Morocco and came into force from the 1st January, 1995. It has a ten-year implementation period from 1995 to 2004 for developing countries. It is needless to mention here that even as the implementation is due in 2004 our hon. Minister has already lifeted the loan on 1st April 2001 of the quantitative restrictions. Why did he withdraw the quantitative restrictions on 715 items from the 1st April, 2001 though India has two years more time to implement the Agreement? That was because of the pressure on the WTO by the American Government.
I quote from a book, Working Class what Shri Murasoli Maran had said. Shri Murasoli Maran, our hon. Union Minister of Commerce and Industry represented India at the meeting of Ministers of Trade and Economy of the G-15 countries at Cairo. He said, ‘We knelt down, succumbed to pressure and signed on the dotted line.’ We all know the reasons for the failure of the Seattle Ministerial Conference. Let us go to the root of the matter. There is a proverb: ‘Just because the camel knelt down, it was loaded.’ 15.58 hrs (Dr. Laxminarayan Pandeya in the Chair) The agreement on agriculture forms part of the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations and was signed by member countries in April, 1994 at Marrakech, Morocco and came into force on the 1st January, 1995, as I already stated. The WTO Agreement on Agriculture covers three broad areas of agriculture and trade policy, market access and domestic support and export subsidies. India had a quantitative restriction on import of 825 agricultural products as on 1.4.1997, which it was justifying on balance of payments considerations. QRs. Already phased out from 1st April 2001 on 715 items out of 1,429 items and the remaining portion were phased out from the 1st April, 2001 QRs. on many agricultural products were phased out on the basis of the so-called balance of payments position but this is not the reality.
The foreign exchange reserves position in India is unstable. It is not based on trade surplus. Its main components are foreign loans and assistance and NRI transfers. Foreign institutional investors are also bringing in money because our rate of return on investments is higher than that in the West. India should try to retain quantitative restrictions on agricultural produce as long as India has no trade surplus.
16.00 hrs. Sir, quantitative restrictions should be related to trade surplus and not related to so call better balance of payment position. We should unite the developing countries for making a change in the WTO Agreement. The agricultural sector also marked a low growth rate. The Economic Survey for 2000-2001 has pointed out that the growth rate in agriculture and allied sectors has gone down from 7.1 per cent in 1998-99 to 0.9 per cent in 2000-2001. The foodgrain production marked an absolute decline by 4.7 per cent in 2000-2001 compared to the previous year, despite consistent decline in agricultural sector’s growth and the absolute decline in the foodgrain production much below the 1998 level.
The hon. Minister of Finance posed the problem of food economy in the country as one of the managing surpluses. The obscenity of the remarks of the hon. Minister of Finance regarding food surplus has been exposed in the background of the numerous cases of starvation in the villages of Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat and many other places. There is a steep hike in the prices of Public Distribution System by the Government. There is a decline in the per capita actual availability of foodgrains for the above poverty line and around poverty line people which is around the figure for those above the poverty line despite overflowing godowns of FCI. We should ask for the bringing together all domestic measures such as Green box measures; Blue box measures and Amber box measures.
The subsidy reduction agreed at Marrakech was on a percentage basis. This is an eyewash because already the subsidy given by the developed countries is so vast that even with some percentage reduction it is more. We should ask that the subsidy should be fixed quantitatively at certain level or on per capita basis. The developing countries should be allowed to take measures for ensuring food security and rural employment generation. The money spent on these measures should not be included in the calculation of aggregated measures of support.
To implement this, creation of separate food security, rural employment and development need to be considered. The Agreement on agriculture allows only 25 countries to provide export subsidy to their agricultural products. This is adversely affecting the competitiveness of the agricultural products of the developing countries. We should ask for elimination of export subsidy within an agreed period of time.
I want to mention a very pathetic thing concerning our villages. Our poor, rural women, who are widows, who are mothers of small children, are traditionally producing the puffed rice. We call it ‘Muri’in Hindi and in Mumbai it is called ‘veil’. After two per cent of freight charge increase in coal caused by the hon. Minister of Railways and the lifting of subsidies from the fertilizers, the cost of production of this puffed rice has increased. What is now happening with the withdrawal of the Q.Rs.? The Americans and other G-7 countries are producing this puffed rice after getting more than 50 per cent subsidies and they are packing it in laminated packets and these packets will come to India. I want to ask the hon. Minister – will the poor rural mother of India be able to compete with the American or the G-7 countries?
This is the condition of our traditional producers, of our village economy. He must have to think about them. Sir, I have already talked about implementing the creation of separate food security , rural employment and other things.
Agreement on Agriculture allows only 25 countries to provide export subsidies to their agricultural products. This is adversely affecting the competitiveness of agricultural products of the developing countries. I have already mentioned about that.
Let us come to industrial slow down in the country. As per the statement referred in reply to Lok Sabha Starred Question No. 370 today, that is, or 17.8.2001, the industrial growth during the first quarter of the current fiscal year has been 2.1 per cent as compared to 6.1 per cent registered during the corresponding period of the last year. The manufacturing sector growth slipped down to 5.2 per cent and electricity generation to four per cent in 2000-2001 compared to 7.1 per cent and 4 per cent respectively in 1999-2000, respectively according to the report published by Central Statistical Organisation. In the service sector, the growth rate, after reaching the high of 10.5 per cent in the year 1995-96, has hovered around eight to nine per cent in the subsequent years. In every sector, even in the IT sector, how also slumped.
Sir, both the FICCI and CII have put the blame on the high interest rate regime of bank loans for declining investment level, but they conveniently suppressed the fact that despite all the slow down in the economy, the major corporates have significantly improved their cash reserves, showing huge invisible surplus in their hands. As reported by Business Standard of 30.7.2001, they include Tata Steel, Reliance, Infosys, Grasim, L&T, Hindustan Lever, Wipro, Satyam Computers and many others. This phenomenon signifies that the industry lobby prefers not to put their own funds for investment in real economy which generates production and employment; they prefer funds from banks and FIs at cheaper rates to be put in production ventures, which at their convenience may be converted to non-performing assets. The Minister of State in the Ministry of Finance has already stated in reply to a Question in Lok Sabha during Question Hour today that the non-performing assets are in the range of Rs. 70,000 crore to Rs. 80,000 crore. Earlier, the figure was at Rs. 56,000 crore.
Sir, in this year’s Budget, the Finance Minister has withdrawn Rs. 2,000 crore from import and imposed excise duty of about Rs. 3,200 crore. As a result of this, I think that eight lakh small scale centres would either go sick or close down. About 40 per cent of the small scale sector all over the country, especially in Gujarat and Maharashtra, would either go in sick or close down due to imposition of the excise duty. Because of the cheaper imports, all the foreign goods are coming to our market at cheaper rates and when we are marketing our products, it becomes difficult.
NALCO is the biggest profit-making company in the mineral sector. In 1999-2000, after paying taxes, they made a profit of Rs. 500 crore. In this connection, I have asked a question in the Lok Sabha. When I visited NALCO as part of the Parliamentary Delegation, I asked the officers a question about the cost of production in NALCO, and the cost of production in the highest aluminium producing country in the world, that is, Australia. When we compare the difference in rates, we are producing aluminium at a much cheaper rate than Australia. However, in the market, due to the imposition of excise duty, our cost is heavy when compared to the cost of aluminium from Australia. Therefore, all the profit-making companies, including the small and tiny sector, are in a disastrous form.
Therefore, I would request the hon. Minister to be a patriotic citizen. We all know that people like Khudiram, Bagha, and Jatin have lost their lives for the sake of Independence, Freedom.
MR. CHAIRMAN : Please hear me. You have taken more than 20 minutes. How much more time would you like to take?
SHRI SUNIL KHAN : Please give me half-an-hour. I will come to the point.
Sixteen per cent excise duty hits the ready-made garment units very badly. In the worst ever man-made calamity to have hit the country, over 25 per cent of the 58,000 medium-scale ready-made garment manufacturing units have been closed down, whose worth is to the tune of Rs. 5,400 crore. A simple calculation of applicable taxes brings the revenue loss of Central and the State Governments to over Rs. 1,350 crore. A hefty 90 per cent of the Rs. 70,000 crore ready-made garments industry has been catered by the unorganised sector. The organised sector is dependent on the unorganised sector for jobbers and contractors who are involved in various processes. Two lakh fifty thousand garment manufacturing units absorb 40 per cent of fabrics produced in the country.
Sir, America and the G-7 countries are protecting their markets by introducing by-American laws, by-Japan laws and by-France laws. Why we are not making by-Indian laws to protect our domestic industry?
I wish to mention one thing about the heavy industries. Within ten months period, this time, if you invest Rs. 150 crore in IISCO and the total investment comes to Rs. 510 crore. It is the first industry in India established in 1888. When it was taken over by the Indian Government, no investment was made in it. They have given all the profits to the Finance Department.
Sir, there are assets worth rupees two lakh crore. There are three captive iron ore mines. The Chiriya ore mine, which is known to all of us here, has a reserve of two billion metric tonnes. What is the valuation of the reserves at the Chiriya iron ore mines? It is estimated at Rs. 1,16,000 crore. Twenty metric tonnes of iron ore could be extracted from this mine every year. Even then its reserves are not going to get exhausted soon. It has the highest iron ore reserve in the world. In case of the other three coal mines, the Chasnala coal mine has a reserve, the cost of which is estimated at Rs. 45,000 crore. So, IISCO should be revived.
Sir, the ban on the Quantitative Restrictions have been lifted by the Government. The period for the Quantitative Restrictions was for a period of ten years from 1995 to 2004. Why has it been lifted before the expiry of its time? What was the hurry? What were the reason for lifting the ban on the Quantitative Restrictions before the expiry of its schedule time? The reason is the pressure of the Americans. Some 200 years back, we invited the White people to do business in our country and today we are again inviting Red people to our country. It is a matter of concer for every citizen of our country. So, I would like to request the hon. Minister – if he loves this country -- please withdraw this, otherwise, the citizens of this country would not spare him.
Sir, I have moved this Resolution and I believe that everyone, be it from the Treasury benches or be it from the Opposition benches, would support this Resolution so that India could be self-sufficient and the Americans would not enter our country. We should abide by the wishes of the people because this is a democracy where the guiding principle is, `by the people, of the people and for the people’.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Resolution moved:
"As the decision to withdraw the quantitative restrictions with effect from 1st April, 2001 will seriously affect Indian economy and result in closure of domestic industries and severe unemployment, this House urges upon the Government to review its decision and to renegotiate the terms of General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) in order to protect the industrial and agricultural sector."
SHRI KHARABELA SWAIN (BALASORE): Sir, Shri Sunil Khan has basically stressed on two points. He has stressed on the closure of domestic industries and on the creation of severe unemployment. He wants this House to urge upon the Government to review its decision and to re-negotiate the terms of General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs in order to protect the industrial and agricultural sectors.
Sir, he has stressed on the point that the ban on the Quantitative Restrictions has been lifted only because of American pressure. Actually the Government of India, as a founder member of the WTO is supposed to do it and India is not doing this on American pressure.
Sir, I would like ask a basic question. China is not a member of the WTO. China is supposed to be a communist and a patriotic country as has been suggested by the mover of this Resolution. But China today is in the queue for getting an entry into the WTO. It is waitlisted at 48. It is very eagerly waiting to enter into WTO. Why is it so?
SHRI HANNAN MOLLAH (ULUBERIA): They are going to the WTO with power and not by folding hands… (Interruptions)
SHRI SUNIL KHAN : Our markets are being flooded.… (Interruptions)
MR. CHAIRMAN : He has heard your speech patiently.
SHRI KHARABELA SWAIN (BALASORE): Sir, they are wasting my time. Please do not count this time.
The Government of India has sent a delegation to China in the month of July. I was one of the members of that delegation. The delegation included about 12 Members of Parliament, a few industrialists and a few leaders of trade unions.
SHRI SUNIL KHAN : I have gone through that paper also.
SHRI KHARABELA SWAIN : The Communist people were asked to go as a part of that delegation, but they declined to do so. They were scared to go to China and see for themselves how their ‘guru’ is doing. However, they say that they did not want to go along with the industrialists. … (Interruptions)
SHRI HANNAN MOLLAH : When we go, we go alone. We will not go with the money of industrialists. We will not go on the ticket given by industrialists.
SHRI KHARABELA SWAIN : Sir, we did not go on the money of industrialists. It is the Government of India which sent us. Madam Najma Heptullah, Vice-Chairman of Rajya Sabha, was the leader of that delegation. It was not a BJP leader who led that delegation. There were three trade union leaders on that delegation – from INTUC, HMS and BMS. They all went but the Communist party people did not go.
When we say we want to make India great, how are we going to make India great? … (Interruptions)
SHRI A.C. JOS (TRICHUR): Kindly tell us what you have seen in China.
SHRI SUNIL KHAN : Sir, you have not allowed me to put my important question. … (Interruptions)
MR. CHAIRMAN: Shri Khan, you will have the right of reply. You can clarify the issues at that time.… (Interruptions)
MR. CHAIRMAN: Shri Khan, please sit down. You will have the right of reply. You can reply to the points later.... (Interruptions)
SHRI KHARABELA SWAIN : Hon. Member from the Congress party Shri Sunder Lal Tiwari, who is sitting here right now, has also come with us.
SHRI A.C. JOS : You tell us what you have seen in China.
SHRI KHARABELA SWAIN : How to make India great? Are we going to make India great by merely giving protectionism to our industries?
When we got down at the Beijing airport, I could not believe my eyes. I could not decide for a moment whether I was in China or I had landed in America. American transnational giants have spread themselves all over China. Every one of us could see the hoardings of companies like Siemens, Motorola, General Motors, Kentucky Fried Chicken, all over China. This is the state of affairs of a country which is considered the only Communist country existing in the world now.
It is not just the industrialists and the trade unionists only who have their points of view in this country. In our democratic set up, the consumer has also got a point of view. As a consumer, am I not entitled to good quality products? Am I not entitled to low cost goods? Am I to have any thing produced in India at high cost with low quality? If a foreign product of high quality is available in India at a very low cost, why cannot the Indian producer produce the goods at the same cost with the same quality? If we want to make India great, opportunities should be given to small-scale industries, to the industrialists of India so that they can produce the best quality goods at the lowest prices.
Indians have proved their merit after going abroad. The Prime Minister of India wanted to have his knee operation done. He could not have it done in India. He went to America in search of the best Surgeon in the world. He went to America and he met the best Surgeon in the world. That Surgeon is an Indian.
India has got the capacity. India can do it here also. India did it in the past also.
Sir, I will not take much time of the House. I will just give some of the suggestions based on my experiences as to how India can protect its industries including the agriculture sector.
Firstly, the cost of borrowing money in India is very high. If one goes to a bank for loan for setting up an industry, the rate of interest payable is 12 per cent. But in China and other developing countries, for the similar purpose, the rate of interest is only 4.5 per cent. That is why the cost of production in India is high.
Secondly, the cost of power in India is very high. In China and other developing countries, it is only Rs. 2 per unit whereas in India it is Rs. 5 per unit.
The Communist leaders have taken it upon themselves to make the workers great. They think all the time as to how they can go on agitation, talabandi, namely, lockouts, etc. In China, the workers have no right to agitate. One can ask Shri Tiwari and he will tell as to what is happening there.
Sir, in China, we spoke to several trade-union leaders. They had said that they do not have the right to agitation. When I asked one of the trade-unions what would happen if something wrong happened to any worker, I asked what would happen if the Government did not pay the required salary to their workers. They said that they have an arbitration tribunal where a member from the Judiciary, a member from the Government and a member from the trade-union sit there. There, the decision would be taken. Whatever decision would be taken, that would be the final verdict.
Sir, in our interaction with them, they also said that they are just going in for privatisation of the State Owned enterprises, which we here call as the public sector enterprises. There, the laid off workers are given a subsistence allowance only for two years. They are given training. If within those two years they do not train themselves properly, they are kicked out. They gave the reason that whatever they are doing is for the interest of their nation and the country.
Moreover, Sir, a worker from China is three times more productive than a worker from India. That is why the cost of production in other countries is too less.
Sir, the hon. Minister is present here. He should see to it that there is an end to the Inspector raj. Fifty inspectors will go to the same industry and everybody will ask for money. There is too much of corruption in our country. Corruption is also there in China. But in China at least corruption is for the positive. To get any work done, they demand money. But here, the inspectors say, ‘give me the money otherwise I will close down your industry.’ So, my request is that the Government should see that there is an end to the Inspecor raj Sir, my next point is on the raw materials. Raw materials should be made available to the small-scale industries at an affordable rate. It is not being made available at an affordable cost which is one of the reasons that our cost of production is very high.
Sir, my next point is about the foreign direct investment (FDI). The hon. Minister of Commerce is present here. I would just request him as to why he should not allow the Foreign Direct Investment to the agricultural sector also. It is absolutely essential. The quantum of production in India with regard to any agricultural products is too less. In one hectare of land, the quantum of production of wheat is about one-third of what Ukraine produces. Why can we not go like Ukraine standards in this regard? We can also do it and we should do it.
There is strangling low level yields in a very large portion of marginal, small and semi-medium holdings burdened with a high proportion of landless labourers, small holdings and highly concentrated food oriented cropping system which would, therefore, be facing serious challenges both internally and externally in the process of fulfilling the WTO commitments.
In India and everywhere in the world, the small-scale industries do not produce the finished goods. Basically they form the ancillary industries. You can take the case of Gurgaon where there is a Maruti Company and around it, there are 1,500 small-scale industries or ancillary industries. They support the main factory, that is, the Maruti Company. So, instead of going for the finished products, we should also see that small-scale industries produce more of small things, which support the big industries.
Finally, I will tell that it is not America of which we are scared, but we are scared of smaller countries like Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, Korea, etc. Once upon a time, it so happened that when we said that foreign goods are coming into the country, it used to be goods from America only. But it is not so now. When we are discussing about invasion of foreign goods, we are talking about Chinese dolls or Chinese bicycles, etc. Why is it like that. China is a country having similar problems as we have.
I want to say only two more sentences and conclude. With regard to agriculture, we should promote region-specific agricultural planning and development and we should involve Agricultural Universities in that regard. We should also not depend upon the Agriculture Department of the Government because they will not do anything. We should develop technologies in the agricultural sector. We should also develop rural infrastructure like roads, cold storage, power supply and things like that. We also want promotion of food processing industries.
So, I would say that WTO is not against the interests of this country; WTO has given an opportunity to India to fight with any country of the world and to prove ourselves as the best country so that in the 21st century, India will be a super-power.
SHRI ADHIR CHOWDHARY : Thank you, Sir.
Withdrawal of quantitative restrictions has already created a flutter and has created a furore throughout the length and breadth of the country. There is no doubt that India is a founder member of WTO. WTO is a mechanism through which we can deal with the hostile situation. It has been prevalent since World War-II, the time when India had got sterling balance. But once the reserve got depleted, then at the dawn of the Second Five Year Plan, India again resorted to quantitative restrictions.
Here, we are not discussing of how to emulate ourselves with China or America or any other country. India has the capacity and potentialities to survive on its own feet, on its own ethics and on its own culture. The fact is that withdrawal of quantitative restrictions has already hit severely the agricultural sector specially and small-scale sector in general. Agricultural sector plays a significant role in Indian economy in terms of GDP, in terms of food security and others.
Sir, out of the last removal of 715 items, 145 items belong to agriculture and household sector. On the one hand now India is having surplus foodgrains rotting or overflowing in the godowns and on the other hand the poor people of Kalahandi and Bolangir, the KBK districts, are starving to death. So, this is a paradox. It is poverty while we are sitting on plenty. So, it is reminiscent of French Revolution. When the Queen was told that people were starving to death and they do not have bread, she retorted that they might eat cake. So, we are in such a situation.
Sir, the hon. Minister, who represented our country in the WTO, had fought courageously against the discrimination by the developed countries or the OECD countries. In this scenario, so many questions have cropped up. As far as seed is concerned, our agriculture basically is sustained upon traditional farming or upon seed saving techniques. But now the seed giants of developed countries, taking advantage of the withdrawal of restrictions, are surging into our country with seeds especially terminated seeds or hybrid seeds. How can India, with its present infrastructure, withstand the onslaught of those seed giants? Once a farmer uses the terminated seed, he will have to again purchase the same seed. Therefore, that farmer will be gradually depending upon those seed giants.
Secondly, the world-wide campaign is going in the direction against the GE food and GE seeds. Genetically modified and genetically engineered seeds are now a subject of controversy. May I ask the hon. Minister whether India have the infrastructure to screen those seeds, because those seeds may eventually endanger our environment? It may cause health hazards also. So, a quarantine policy has to be adopted. I would like to know whether this Government could check the surge of the genetically engineered seeds or food. We already have unrestricted half carcass meat, poultry and so on. Do you have the Prevention of Food Adulteration Department or the hazard preventive measure well equipped, which can effectively reduce these health hazards and food contamination?
Sir, as you know, in America, Europe, Australia, and even in Asian countries like Philippines, they are now taking measures to check genetically engineered seeds. So, there are manifold implications as far as removal of quantitative restrictions are concerned. Sir, on 28th September, 1999 the Indian Government made a secret deal with USA however this Government had given a commitment to the WTO members that all the restrictions will be withdrawn by 2003. When the Kandahar episode took place and when the entire country was seething with anger and anguish, this Government found convenient time to strike a bilateral agreement with America with a view to withdraw the quantitative restrictions. Therefore, 1429 restricted items were removed from that restricted category.
Sir, you know that India is such a country where 70 per cent people belong to the villages. The livestock sector plays a significant role as far as employment generation and regular income are concerned. Sir, as regards milk, India had accomplished a revolution which may be called `White revolution’. Now, India is the largest milk producing country in the world. The total output is around 80 million tonnes. Sir, now those milk-producers are apprehending that with the removal of quantitative restrictions dairy products would start pouring into our country which may eventually deal a fatal blow to that sector. Sir, that is why, I would request the hon. Minister to have a rational balance between the bound duty and customs duty so that at least the poor people of our country could survive. If you ask a new born baby to run, he would not be able to run. It is because he has to be acclimatised with the situation. He has to be adapted first. Therefore, it needs a gestation period. Any radical measure cannot help those poor people. Sir, the customs duty on dairy product is 35 per cent and the total duty limit is 40 per cent. On butter fat and on oil derived from milk and cheese, the bound duty is 40 per cent and basic customs duty is 35 per cent. Sir, kindly see one thing. On milk cream and on other sweetened matter, the bound duty limit is zero per cent. However, the customs duty is fixed at 35 to 60 per cent in the case of concentrated milk.
I know that our hon. Minister is a very competent and educated person. May I ask him whether with these measures he is able to save the poor milk producers? In the wake of the White Revolution the replication of Amul had been propagated throughout the country. Now in India we have 1.8 million members under the milk cooperative societies. So, you should not do anything that would blunt the edge of this sector that we are enjoying for so long.
In the end I would quote a few lines from the Research Foundation for Science, Technology and Ecology:
"However, according to India’s proposal to the WTO on Agreement on Agriculture, the average tariff in OECD countries in 1993 were 214% for wheat, 197% for barley and 154% for maize. In certain commodities the tariff peak reached 300% and above. In EU the out of quota tariff for bananas is 180%, in Japan these tariff range between 460% and 600% for dried beans, peas and lentils, in US groundnuts have a tariff of 164%. Recently, Japan has levied a tariff of about 1000% on rice to protect its domestic rice producers. Though the India proposal make a demand for the on going review of the Agreement on Agriculture that as a special and differential measures, the developing country members should be allowed to maintain appropriate levels of tariff bindings keeping in mind their development needs and the high distortions prevalent in the international markets, yet the Financial Budget for 2001-2002 made a very dismal effort to raise the tariff marginally or hardly half a dozen items as "safeguard mechanism" for domestic production against highly subsidised and cheap imports of agricultural products from developed countries."Therefore, I would request you to see that India is not made a dumping ground for the awful materials of the developed countries. You should evolve a strategy so that our poor people can earn their livelihood and make both their ends meet.
SHRI ANADI SAHU (BERHAMPUR, ORISSA): Mr. Chairman Sir, when I stand here to speak on the Resolution tabled by Shri Sunil Khan, I feel that he has tried to paint a dismal picture of the philosophical, political and economic status of the country. It is quite natural that he being a man with Leftist opinion, he would look at the pessimistic aspects of the problems that are with us. It would have been better had he thought of the optimistic aspects of these things. Anyway, that is beside the point.
When we go back from 1947 to 1994 to 2001, we have travelled a long way, in coming to a final shape of the World Trade Organisation and agreements signed. Now we cannot unscramble the eggs. It would be better if we can eat the poach or the omelette with all flavour and taste we it to our good content. That is what is required now. Once we have agreed to the WTO regime, we have to accept the rigors it is quite natural that this world has become too small, as you would see outside the Central Hall a quotation written in golden letters from the Panchatantra.
अयं निज: परो वेत्ति।
गणना लघुचेतषाम्॥ उदार चरितानाम तुं।
वसुधैव कुटुम्बकम्॥ The world has become a small family because of communication, information technology, exchange of ideas and so many other factors. We are becoming small and we cannot prevent it. Once we are becoming small, it would be better that we adapt to the system that is prevailing at this time. As has been said by Shri Khan by Shri Swain and by Shri Adhir Choudhary also, 1429 items have been removed from quantitative restrictions over a period of time in order to see that we get accustomed and acclamatised to whatever shocks we may be getting or whatever difficulties that we might be facing in the transition stage. But let us be very clear, Shri Khan in particular and hon. Members in general, that opening up of the floodgate or removing the quantitative restrictions does not mean that we do not have restrictions. I would quote a paragraph from a good journal. It says:
"No country in the world is, in reality, a free trading nation. Every country protects its sensitive interests through a set of WTO-consistent measures. So does India. While the quantitative restrictions which the world sees as obnoxious are gone, there are import duties, anti-dumping duties and safeguard measures, animal and plant protection policies, human health, safety regulations and quality standards."I will come to these things first. We have recently passed the Livestock Importation Bill wherein we have indicated that if there is a trace of any disease or if there is any difficulty in disease control in getting an animal product in India, there will be a restriction as has been indicated here. Let us assume that we are importing agricultural produce. Now, we can as well say that a particular type of insecticide which we have used in producing grains or cereals or anything like that is not good to our health and we will not accept it. So, there are many restrictions. If I go on speaking on them, I will go on for minutes or hours together. That is why, we have to take into account the positive aspect of this issue. We can always put restrictions in import of different articles.
Shri Choudhary was saying about anti-dumping duties and so many other things. In a way, I agree that in the initial period we may suffer a slight setback on the manufacturing side. Many kinds of subsidies have been given to the small-scale industry. In the small scale industry also, you find that excise duty has been brought down by the Finance Minister and tariff rates have been put in such a manner that whenever such an article is coming in, we are able to compete in a better manner.Shri Khan was saying about NALCO. The public sector undertakings have become flabby. They are taking more funds and not producing what is required for us at a reasonable price. That is why, the thinking or the craze of the day is to disinvest. It is not disinvestment. It should be privatised. There should be a level-playing field. We should think of competitiveness. If articles are coming from outside, let us find out whether the exporting countries have subsidised them to keep the price at a lower level. If they have subsidised it to an extent that we cannot compete, then there will be anti-dumping duties. We have to see these things. That is why, two Directorates have been created in the Government of India to ensure that we are not put to disadvantage when articles are coming from outside. Many things have been given to us to see that we are at par with other countries.
Between 1947 and 1997 we have taken a decision that because of the low balance of payments situation, we will not import goods. But once our balance of payments position became good, we could not deny the opportunity to other trading countries to come to us or we could not deny ourselves an opportunity from going to other countries. A mention was made about U.S.A. All of us know that under TRIPS, many of our professionals are going to America and they are better off there. Had we not gone into bilateral agreement with the USA, would it have been possible for us to send the professionals to America? That is why we had to take away the Quantitative Restrictions by 2001. We should not think of only one aspect. If a glass is half full, you can either say that the glass is half full or the glass is half empty. If you say the glass is half full, then it is positive and if you say that the glass is half empty, then it is negative. Think of half-full aspect of the glass. That is what has to be thought of. Whenever we remove Quantitative Restrictions, two types of restrictions are put. The restrictions in the first type are, non-automatic licences, import through canalised agencies, special import licensing etc. In the second type also we come across many factors, which have helped us in seeing that we are not put at an disadvantage by any one. I would invite the attention of Shri Sunil Khan to Shri Murasoli Maran’s recent statement wherein he has stated that he is going to WTO to see that we get a better deal in this regard. I would like to quote only a portion of his speech. He said:
"The implementation related concerns of the developing countries should be addressed upfront by the WTO members as this arose out of the Uruguay round of negotiations concluded in 1994."I think he would be going within a month’s time to see that again discussions are held so that these problems are tackled. In our country, the price in the manufacturing sector is very high. If we can import, we can give some sort of benefit to our people by giving them cheaper variety of goods and also good quality goods. They can also be provided with a wide variety of goods. That is why, to see that we get a better deal, in the Budget of 2001-2002, tax holiday for five years and thirty per cent deduction of profits from the income for the next five years to the enterprises engaged in the integrated business of handling transportation and storage of foodgrains have been announced. Shri Kharabela Swain made a passing reference to this. We have got so many things. If we can give benefits to those who produce, then there would be better research and extension of services. If we do that, we can give reasonable Minimum Support Price to our farmers; we can provide better food stocks to our people through the Public Distribution System at cheaper prices and at the same time we can ensure that those who bring articles from outside do not put us at a position of disadvantage. That has to be kept in mind. The Government has been thinking of these problems and has been providing all sorts of safeguards to ensure that the interests of the people are protected.
Sir, since you have rung the bell, I would like to conclude by quoting a sloka from Yajurveda. It is in the Third Chapter and it is 50th sloka.
‘देहिमे ददामि ते, नीमे दोहनितादधे, निहारं च हराशि मे, निहारं मि हराणी ते खाद्य:’ 17.00 hrs. The English translation of it is like this. I give the English translation because, I feel, my communist friends might not be quite adept in Sanskrit. So, I should give the English translation of it.… (Interruptions)
SHRI SUNIL KHAN : That is wrong. How do you say that?… (Interruptions)
PROF. A.K. PREMAJAM (BADAGARA): That is wrong. What is the evidence of it?
SHRI ANADI SAHU : Madam, you may not agree with me. But that is my feeling. … (Interruptions) You may differ with me. But that is my feeling.
Now, I give the English translation of it.
"Give me, I give thee gifts.
Bestow on me and I bestow on thee.
To me present thy merchandise and I to thee will Give my wares. "
The saying is that you give your merchandise to me and I give you my wares. It is a reciprocal method. It has been thought of some 5000 years back. The WTO would bring about a reciprocal method of merchandise and wares being taken from one country to the other.
With this I conclude.
SHRI VARKALA RADHAKRISHNAN (CHIRAYINKIL): Sir, I support the Resolution. The Resolution, as it appears, is very simple. We need not bother about what is happening in China and India. No comparative study is called for when we analyse the Resolution. I do not find that anybody will dispute the basic issue that is contained in the Resolution. The Resolution is very important and relevant in the context of the Doha Conference.
The WTO is having a Conference at Doha. Many things are taking place around the world. Even the US Administration is of the view that some review is required in respect of the WTO Agreement. It does not dispute that aspect. We have also made our position clear that there must be some review with regard to the WTO Agreement entered into long before.
Sir, even today it has been reported in the newspaper that India is not alone in this matter. So, we will have to make the best use of the situation. I think nobody will dispute that India’s industrial development is lagging behind. Our infrastructure development is much less when compared with the other countries. It is due to reasons beyond our control. So, in a world of competition, the Indian industry will find it very difficult to meet the situation. We want some time. We want some infrastructure development so far as the basic Indian industries are concerned.
We know that we were having public enterprises. We were not in a world of competition then. So, the Indian industry is nowadays facing some crisis. To avoid that crisis, we require some protection. That is what is required.
With regard to Agriculture also, the same thing is there. The World Trade Organisation has ruined the Indian agricultural produces. I am coming from the State of Kerala. We know that coconut is the main crop of Kerala. The mechanism by which coconut is produced is age-old. We have not made any infrastructure development in respect of cultivation of coconut. We all know about that. Moreover, coconut is infested with disease. The mite disease destroys the coconut crop. We also know that the drying of leaves is an incurable disease so far as the coconut crop is concerned. No medicine has been found out so far to save the coconut tree when the leaves are drying. The only mechanism is to cut down the tree which is of twenty or thirty years old. That way, the growth of it is cut down.
There is an inherent weakness in the agricultural produce of Kerala, not only of Kerala, but of the whole country and we cannot compete with other countries in that respect. So, we want some changes, some amendments to the WTO Agreement. This is not communism, this is not the experience of Marxism, but this is a practical experience of the people of Kerala. They are facing a crisis. It so happens that coconut is primarily an agricultural product, but as per the terms of the Agreement entered into WTO, it has become a commercial product. The removal of trade restrictions has ruined coconut production in India. So, we want a change in the system. I would request the hon. Minister to convert coconut into an agricultural product and try to get the benefits that will come along with it.
Sir, now I would like to say a few words about rubber, which is a primary agricultural product of Kerala. We are the sole producers or, in other words, we have a monopoly as far as production of rubber is concerned. The entire economy of the State of Kerala is based on the production of rubber, but it is facing a crisis spread over a number of years. Now, rubber products are imported without any restrictions. Even second-hand tyres are imported into India. The net result is that the rubber growers of Kerala are facing starvation. They are small holders and their production method is age-old. There are some drawbacks with regard to production of rubber due to flood and drought, which are beyond the control of mankind. So, there are certain adverse situations, which will affect the growth of the industry. Therefore, we want some protection. It so happens that rubber is a commercial production. We would like the Government to convert it as an agricultural product and try to get the benefits. The removal of quantitative restrictions has adversely affected these two primary agricultural products in India and thereby it has affected hundreds of thousands of people. Therefore, I would request my beloved friend to take up this matter in the Doha Conference. We are not alone there. There are other people who will also support us.
Sir, we see that each and every nation is taking its own decisions based on its own interests. Let us take the case of China. Many people were arguing that China has developed many goods, but we know that China is treated as the Most Favoured Nation by the US Administration in the matter of commerce, even if they say that there are incidents of violation of human rights in China. But in the international market, the US Administration considers China as the Most Favoured Nation. Why are they doing it? It is because the American industrialists find China as the best market for selling their goods. Let us not think that everything is all right in the United States of America. They are also facing a crisis. The US Administration is also facing a crisis. Even the G-8 countries have their own contradictions. They have their own difficulties. There are differences of opinion and contradictions between the European Union and the US Administration in the matter of trade. It is quite natural that there would be contradictions and conflict of interests between the developed countries. India is a developing country. So, all the developing countries should take a firm and united stand in the Doha Conference to see that their interests are safeguarded. There is nothing wrong in getting the WTO Agreement revised to help our farmers and to help our industry.This is not done at the risk of customers. My friend was arguing that the customers will have the choice. Definitely, they will have the choice but not at the risk of the nation.
Our basic industries are facing crisis because they do not have much infrastructure development. How can they compete with others in the world market? So, considering our special difficulties, considering our special priorities, we have a right cause to take up the matter at the Doha Conference. I think that justice will prevail, everybody will agree.
If you see, recently Americans have lifted some ban on the goods imported from India, but still there are restrictions on pharmaceuticals and on agro-products. There is an alibi that India did not take patent protection in this matter. So, their point is that we have not taken sufficient measures to protect the patent rights of the US Administration. What they did was that they imposed some ban on some of our goods to be imported by America. That is in their interest. So, I would suggest that when our Minister of Commerce goes to Doha, he must have a clear idea of the coconut and rubber growers.
Not only that, but in the history of humankind, the coffee industry has never met with such a huge crisis. In the London Market, coffee is not required, in the world market, nobody is in need of coffee. But so far as India is concerned, India is one of the major coffee producing nations. And what is the result? Our economy is badly affected. In the case of Tea also, we have been definitely affected. I think, the hon. Minister also takes tea and he understands the problem and he has some idea about coffee also. All these products are facing crisis in India.
I do not say that it is because of the Trade Agreement, etc. No sensible man will say that it is because the Trade Agreement is there. What I would urge upon the hon. Minister is that we must have in mind that some protective steps should be taken to review the decision, which we have taken in a particular context. The economic situation has changed. So, in the changed economic situation, we can definitely argue for a case of revision in certain articles even though we have removed the quantitative restrictions.
In that context, I am only confining to Doha Conference. The resolution is also based in that context. So, when he represents India at the Doha Conference, he should have in mind the difficulties of coconut growers, the coffee growers, the tea growers and also of the rubber growers of India. They are part and parcel of our nation. So, we want some protective steps to be taken.
Is it not true that Americans have taken steps in this regard? They have taken steps to protect their farmers. The Australian Government took some protective measures for its wheat. There are even developed nations, including America, which have taken protective steps. In the matter of Soyabean, they have taken protective steps. The US Administration has taken protective steps in the matter of Soyabean cultivators. Recently, the Australian Government took measures to protect their wheat cultivators. Why? Because it is in their national interest. So, also we should consider all these aspects in our national interest and see that the Agreement is revised to the extent possible, so that our national interests are protected.
I hope that he will take a very bold stand and definitely he will be getting the backing of all the developing countries. Of course, we cannot expect the backing from the developed countries. African countries, Malaysia and other nations will help us. We are fighting for a cause, and I hope, our Minister will take a bold step at Doha Conference and see that the spirit of this Resolution is implemented.
With these words, I conclude.
प्रो. रासा सिंह रावत (अजमेर):सभापति महोदय, मुझे बहुत खेद के साथ कहना पड़ रहा है कि मैं श्री सुनील खां जी द्वारा प्रस्तुत मात्रात्मक प्रतिबंधों को उठाने के निर्णय की समीक्षा संबंधी प्रस्ताव का समर्थन करने में असमर्थ हूं। समय का यह तकाजा है और मुझे दुख के साथ कहना पड़ रहा है कि कांग्रेसी मित्र मनमोहन जी की नीतियों को भूल गए जो उन्होंने १९९१ में लागू की थीं और माननीय नरसिंह राव जी जब प्रधान मंत्री थे उस समय प्रणव मुखर्जी जी को डबल्यूटीओ पर हस्ताक्षर करने के लिए भेजा था। हम डबल्यूटीओ की बातों को मानने के लिए बाध्य हैं। आज वही कांग्रेसी मित्र कम्युनिस्टों के स्वर में स्वर मिला रहे हैं।
निकले है कहां जाने के लिए, पहुचेंगें कहां यह मालूम नहीं, इन राह में भटकने वालों को मंजिल की दिशा मालूम नहीं।
जब हमने मंजिल तय कर ली कि हमें कौन सी मंजिल में पहुंचना है, जब हमने गैट पर हस्ताक्षर कर दिये, डबल्यूटीओ पर हस्ताक्षर कर दिए १४१ देश सदस्य बन गए तो अब कहा जा रहा है कि पुन: समीक्षा की जाए। अब आगे बढ़ने का समय है। जब पग आगे बढ़ा दिए तो हमें भविष्य की तरफ देखना है और भूतकाल को भूल जाना है। राष्ट्र हित किस में है, यह देखने की बात है। क्या हमारा किसान किसी से कम है? भारत का किसान किसी प्रकार से कम नहीं है। इसलिए हमने जय जवान, जय किसान और जय विज्ञान की बात कही। ऐसे में किसानों में पूरा विश्वास आना चाहिए। मुझे दुख के साथ कहना पड़ता है कि ५० साल तक कांग्रेस की जो नीतियां रही उनका परिणाम हमें भुगतना पड़ रहा है। आजादी के समय जीडीपी में कृषि की हिस्सेदारी ५४.९६ परसैंट थी लेकिन वह घटते-घटते २७.८७ परसैंट रह गई है जबकि लेबर फोर्स कृषि में उतनी ही है। इस स्थिति में परिवर्तन लाने के लिए हमें जमाने के अनुसार बदलना होगा यहां वाणिज्य मंत्री, कृषि मंत्री आदि सब बैठे हैं।
लोग कहते हैं कि बदलता है जमाना, मर्द वह है जो जमाने को बदल दे।
जब हमने उदारीकरण की तरफ कदम बढ़ा दिया, ग्लोबलाइजेशन की तरफ आगे बढ़े और डबल्यूटीओ पर हस्ताक्षर कर दिए तो हमें इस तरफ आगे बढ़ना पड़ेगा। भारत एक प्रतिष्ठित देश बन गया है तो हम प्रतिबद्ध है कि उनके नियमों के आधार पर हस्ताक्षर करें इसलिए इनसे पीछे हटने का प्रश्न नहीं है। हमने २१वीं सदी में प्रवेश कर रहे हैं। ऐसे समय में कहा जा रहा है कि इस पर पुन: समीक्षा हो। ऐसा मालूम होता है कि हमारे साम्यवादी बंधु प्रगति पथ में रोड़े अटकाना चाहते हैं। वे प्रतिगामी बन कर और प्रतक्रियावादी बन कर देश को वापस पुरातन स्थिति में पहुंचाना चाहते हैं। मैं उन्हें याद दिलाना चाहता हूं कि सोवियत रूस की आज क्या स्थिति है? रशिया जो दुनिया की सबसे बड़ी ताकत था लेकिन प्रतिस्पर्धा न होने के कारण आज वहां की क्या स्थिति हो गई है? चाइना समय रहते संभल गया। वह आज अमेरिका की सहायता ले रहा है। परिणामस्वरूप आज वहां खुलापन भी है। आज चीन तरक्की कर रहा है और आगे बढ़ रहा है। हम राष्ट्रीय हितों को सर्वोपरि मान कर आगे बढ़ने का प्रयास करें या तो इस पार या उस पार। जब हमने आगे बढ़ने का निश्चय कर लिया है तो हमें उस तरफ आगे बढ़ना होगा। कृषि व्यापार को मार्किट ओरियंटिड, बाजार केंद्रित और अच्छा बनाने के लिए क्या प्रयास कर सकते हैं, उसके बारे में चिंतन करने की आवश्यकता है। हमें निराशावादी द्ृष्टिकोण रखने की आवश्यकता नहीं है। हम इस क्षेत्र में क्या करें, कैसे करें, कैसे प्रतियोगिता में उतरे, इस पर चिंतन करें। हमारा देश किसी से कम नहीं है। कहा जाता है कि :
अयं निज: परोवेति, गणना लघुचेतसाम्, उदारचरितानां तु वसुधैव कुटुम्बकम।
हमने सारे संसार को एक परिवार कह दिया। आज ट्रेड कॉमर्स की द्ृष्टि से एक हो गए।
भारत अछूता नहीं रह सकता है, चाहे कृषि का क्षेत्र हो, या उद्योग का क्षेत्र हो। ठीक है, हमारे लघु उद्योगों की सुरक्षा होनी चाहिये, उन्हें संरक्षण मिलना चाहिये और प्रतिस्पर्द्धा की भावना पैदा होनी चाहिये। अच्छी नस्ल तैयार करके खूब मेहनत करनी चाहिये। यह नही कि " चाहे जो मजबूरी हो, हमारी मांगें पूरी हों।" कामरेडों ने यह बात कह-कहकर देश को रसातल में पहुंचा दिया। आज पब्लिक अंडरटेकिंग्ज़ की क्या स्थिति है? सभापति महोदय, आज सारी रुग्ण ईकाइयां, सारे पब्लिक अंडरटेकिंग्ज सफेद हाथी सिद्ध हो रहे हैं। इन सब का क्या कारण है? काम कुछ करना नहीं, काम में रोड़े अटकाना और प्रतिस्पर्द्धा को मौका नहीं देना है। ऐसी बात नहीं होनी चाहिये बल्कि यह होना चाहिये कि देश के लिये काम करेंगे और काम के बदले दाम पूरे लेंगे। हम यह बात कहते हैं कि भारत का कृषि उत्पाद विश्व के कृषि उत्पाद के साथ होड़ लगाने वाला होना चाहिये और अच्छा उत्पादन करने का मुकाबला करने वाला होना चाहिये। जैसा हमारे .यहां नारियल पैदा होता है, विश्व में अन्यत्र नहीं पैदा होता तो हमें इसकी उपज बढ़ाकर, अच्छी नस्ल पैदा करके विश्व व्यापार में भेजने का कष्ट करना चाहिये। इससे निश्चित रूप से हमारी आमदनी बढ़ेगी।
सभापति महोदय, भारत विश्व व्यापर संगठन का संस्थापक सदस्य है। चूंकि हमारी प्रतिबद्ता है, इसलिये कृषि के बारे में जो सुझाव गये हैं, उन्हें कार्यान्वित किये जाने की आवश्यकता है। मैं निम्नलखित कुछ बातों का उल्लेख करना चाहूंगा।
सबसे पहले कमिटमेंट आफ मार्किट एक्सैस अर्थात् बाजार के संबंध में जो कमिटमेंट है, उसे पूरा करना है। यदि धन की आवश्यकता है तो घरेलू उत्पाद को सपोर्ट प्रदान करना। एक्सपोर्ट करने के लिये हमें यदि सबसिडी देनी पड़े तो उसे थोड़े समय में करेंगे। लेकिन ३१ दिसम्बर, २००४ तक टैरिफ मैजर्स तय करेंगे और वे करने पड़ेंगे। इसमें समीक्षा करने की आवश्यकता नहीं है। यदि हम आगे बढ़ें तो आगे बढ़ते रहना चाहिये।
सभापति महोदय, माननीय प्रधानमंत्री जी की अध्यक्षता में मुख्यमंत्रियों का एक सम्मेलन डब्लयू.टी.ओ. के बारे में हुआ था: at the Chief Ministers’ Conference on WTO/Agreement on Agriculture and Food management.
मैं उसके बाद दो-तीन पंक्तियां पढ़कर अपना कथन समाप्त कर दूंगा।
"It is one of the most constructive and satisfying conferences of Chief Ministers in the past three years. The nature and depth of participation has shown that, cutting across the party lines, all of us can adopt a common approach to the problems of agriculture. "
सभापति महोदय, मैं श्री सुनील खान से प्रार्थना करूंगा कि उन्हें कामन अप्रोच की आवश्यकता है। मुख्यमंत्रियों के सम्मलेन में जो कामन अप्रोच थी, वह सारे देश में पहुंच चुकी है, सारे देश के प्रतनधि पहुंच गये हैं। इसलिये हमें उसमें सुधार करना चाहिये। एकांगी द्ृष्टिकोण की आवश्यकता नहीं और न अमरीका को दोष देने से काम चलेगा। हिन्दुस्तान को अमरीका के मुकाबले कैसे खड़ा किया जा सकता है, इस बात के लिये सोचना चाहिये।
"This Conference has laid a strong basis for a national consensus on an effective action plan for the future. Agriculture is a State subject. However, the challenges as well as the opportunities before Indian agriculture have made it imperative for the closest possible co-operation between the Centre and the States on a continuing basis. "अंत में जो खास बात है अर्थात् जो कनक्लूज़न है वह यह है:
"As regards the WTO, I agree that we should no longer discuss the past. Let us look to the future with confidence and a common resolve. One of the most important requirements is to enrich expert inputs into our deliberations and decision-making, both at the Centre and in States. This is also necessary for strengthening our market intelligence system. Another pressing need is to effectively communicate all the salient aspects of the WTO and Indian agriculture to our kisans and to the people at large. "भारत ने किसानों के हित में डब्लयू. टी.ओ. में हस्ताक्षर करने के बाद जो उसकी विशेषता है और महत्व है, उन सब को प्रभावी ढंग से किसानों तक पहुंचाने के लिये तैयार करना पड़ेगा और किसानों में अवेयरनैस पैदा कररीा है।
It has been stated here:
"In the absence of proper communication, many misgivings arise, which do no good to our ability to overcome the challenges."चुनौतियों को स्वीकार करने में हमारी कमी रह जायेगी, अगर हम किसानों के अन्दर जागरूकता और चेतना पैदा नहीं करेंगे ।
"As a first step, I would like the Commerce and Agriculture Ministries to organise awareness-building meetings in all the State capitals in collaboration with the State Governments. Similarly, the Centre should benefit from the expertise developed by the States."इसलिए केन्द्र और राज्य मिलकर किसानों के अंदर ऐसी जागरूकता और चेतना पैदा करें कि डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. में हस्ताक्षर करने के बाद हमारी कृषि और लघु उद्योग-धंधों को कैसे विकसित किया जाए, कैसे आगे बढाया जाए, कैसे उन्हें स्वाबलम्बी बनाया जाए, कैसे देश को आत्म-निर्भर बनाया जाए, कैसे उनसे अधिकाधिक धन कमाया जाए और उनसे लाभ कमाया जाए। देश के जीवन के अंदर इन सबका स्तर कैसे बढ़ाया जाए, इन सब बातों पर मतैक्य करके आज इन सब चीजों को क्रियान्वित करने की आवश्यकता है। आपने मुझे बोलने का समय दिया, इसके लिए मैं आपका धन्यवाद करता हूं।
(इति) श्री जे.एस.बराड़ (फरीदकोट) : सभापति महोदय, सबसे पहले मैं आपका धन्यवाद करता हूं । हमारे परम मित्र श्री सुनील खान द्वारा क्वान्टीटेटिव रिस्टि्रक्शंस का जो प्रस्ताव सदन में लाया गया है, मैं उसका समर्थन करने के लिए खड़ा हुआ हूं । मेरे ख्याल में मेरे परम मित्र श्री रासासिंह रावत थोड़ा भटक गये हैं । वे इस बात से भटक गये हैं कि यहां मुद्दा डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. या साथ ही इसको विदड्रा करने का या इसका विरोध करने का नहीं है । मुद्दा यह है कि किस तैयारी से हम दोहा में अगले राउंड ऑफ टाक्स में शामिल होंगे और भारतवर्ष की जो आम जनता, गरीब किसान और स्माल स्केल इंडस्ट्रीज वाले हैं, उनका पक्ष हमारे ऑनरेबल मंत्री महोदय श्री मुरासोली मारन जी किस इफैक्टिवनैस से पेश करें, मुद्दा यह है।
सभापति महोदय, मैं सबसे पहले इस बात का जिक्र करना चाहता हूं कि पंजाब एक कृषि प्रधान सूबा है और इस क्वान्टीटेटिव रिस्टि्रक्शंस को उठाने और विदड्रा करने के बाद इंडस्ट्रीज के संबंध में जो चिंताएं प्रकट की गई हैं, मैं यहां ग्राउंड रियलिटीज की बात करूंगा। क्योंकि ये वही चिंताएं हैं जो कभी देश के बहुत महान किसानों के लीडर चौधरी चरण सिंह जी ने व्यक्त की थीं। हमारे एक बहुत पुरातन धरती से जुड़े हुए पंजाबी के एक शायर ने किसानों की व्यथा व्यक्त करते हुए यह बात कही थी और आज वही बात इस रिजोल्यूशन पर लागू होती है। उन्होंने कहा था - गाय बेचके घोड़ी ल्यान्दी, दुध पीण गये लिद चकनी पई । ‘I sold my cow and bought a mare.’ किसान ने कहा कि दूध तो मेरे बच्चे पीने से गये और उसकी लीद उठानी पड़ी। यही हालत आज देश के सबसे कृषि प्रधान सूबे की हो गई है।
सभापति महोदय, सबसे पहले मैं इंडस्ट्रीज पर आना चाहता हूं। मैनचेस्टर ऑफ इंडिया लुधियाना को कहा गया है । वहां टोटल साइकिल इंडस्ट्रीज बंद है। टोटल स्माल स्केल इंस्ट्रीज बंद है। बटाला में हमारे उद्योग-धंधे बंद हैं। गोविन्दगढ़ में स्टील प्लान्ट बंद है । राजपुरा में हमारे सारे स्माल स्केल इंडस्ट्रीज तथा बड़े इंडस्ट्रीज बंद हैं । जनप्रतनधि होने के नाते मैं आंकड़ों की बात नहीं कर रहा हूं । हमारे बहुत से मित्रों ने यहां आंकड़ों का जिक्र किया है । लेकिन इतनी बड़ी तबाही, इतना बड़ा अनइम्पलॉयमैन्ट ये सारी की सारी तस्वीर इस बात सबूत है कि पूरी तैयारियों को किये बिना दस्तखत के बाद जो विकसित देश हैं, उन्हें लाभ हुआ है । इसका सही मायने में यह निचोड़ है कि विकासशील देशों को इसमें बहुत बड़ा घाटा हुआ है । इसकी तैयारी आगरा समिट की तरह से न हो, हम नाकाबलियत से फेल हो जाएं । दोहा में आपकी सदारत के तले हम आपको सपोर्ट करते हैं । यह मुल्क का मुद्दा है, देश का मुद्दा है । आपको किस तैयारी से वहां जाना है इसके बारे में मैं दो-तीन टिप्पणियां करना चाहता हूं ।
पिछले दिनों अखबारों में छपा कि एन.डी.ए. सरकार ने हिन्दुस्तान के एक बहुत बड़े किसान लीडर शरद जोशी की सदारत में एक कमेटी बनाई और उस कमेटी ने समीक्षा करनी थी कि विश्व व्यापार संगठन का कृषि पर और किसानों पर क्या प्रभाव पड़ेगा। कहा जा रहा है कि १५ सूबों से मेहनत करके नतीजा निकाला गया कि कृषि पर विश्व व्यापार संगठन का क्या असर पड़ना है लेकिन उस कमेटी को ही खत्म कर दिया गया और उनकी जो तहकीकात हैं, वह सारी की सारी बरबाद हो गईं। मैं चाहूँगा कि कृषि मंत्री माननीय अजित सिंह जी जब अगले रेजॉल्यूशन पर बोलें तो इस बारे में जरूर बताएं।
सभापति जी, मैं दो-तीन बातें और कहना चाहता हूँ। जिन सूबों में सबसे ज्यादा पर कैपिटा कंजम्प्शन फर्टिलाइजर का है, उनका ख्याल माननीय मंत्री महोदय को रखना है। १६००० करोड़ रुपये का अनाज पंजाब के गोदामों में पड़ा है, उसका मूवमेंट कर नहीं पा रहे हैं। बाहर की स्टेटों में वह माल रिजेक्ट हो रहा है क्योंकि उसमें क्वालिटी नहीं है। हमने पूरा ज़ोर लगाया कि ज्यादा उत्पादन करें। अब विदेशों में जो माल जाना है और जिसके हमें बड़े सपने दिखाए जा रहे हैं, जो माननीय सदस्य बोल रहे हैं, मैं पूछना चाहता हूं कि राजस्थान में किसान का क्या हाल है, उत्तर प्रदेश में किसान का क्या हाल है, केरल में कॉफी, चाय और रबड़ का जिक्र हो रहा था कि वहां किसान की क्या हालत है। आज से २० वर्षों पहले जो कॉटन की प्राइस मार्केट में थीं १५०० रुपये प्रति क्िंवटल, रोज़मर्रा की कीमतें बढ़ने के बावजूद आज किसान को उसका मूल्य १८०० रुपये मिल रहा है और किसान के बेटे को अगर ऐडमिशन लेना है तो ३५लाख और २० लाख रुपये चाहिए। यह सारा करने के लिए उसको कितना कुछ करना पड़ रहा है, ये सारी बातें आपके सम्मुख हैं, इन पर आपको विचार करना चाहिए।
सभापति जी, दो बातें और कहकर मैं अपनी बात समाप्त करूँगा। ४४० लाख टन फूडग्रेन्स हमारे पास स्टॉक है और ४० परसेंट लोग गरीबी रेखा से नीचे रह रहे हों और उनके लिए इंतज़ाम करने में हम असमर्थ रहे हैं और अब हम कह रहे हैं कि इन एग्रीकल्चरल ऐग्रीमेंटों और अन्य ऐग्रीमेंटों से हमें लाभ होने वाला है, इस बारे में आपको पुनर्विचार करना चाहिए। सुनील खान जी ने ठीक कहा कि पुनर्विचार करो, समीक्षा मत करो अगर किसानी का नुकसान हो रहा है। The farmer is in a distressऔर वह महसूस कर रहा है कि विश्व व्यापार संगठन के समझौते से हमें नुकसान हो रहा है और हम कह रहे हैं कि पार्लियामेंट में समीक्षा ही न करें तो ठीक नहीं होगा। मैं अपने परम मित्र से कहना चाहूँगा जो लोगों के बड़े हितैषी हैं, उनसे निवेदन करूंगा कि यह बात जिक्र करने के काबिल नहीं है।
MR. CHAIRMAN (DR. LAXMINARAYAN PANDEYA): Shri Brar, we have started discussion on this Private Member’s Resolution at 3.17 p.m. We will have to take up the Half-an-hour discussion also. Please conclude.
SHRI J.S. BRAR : Yes sir. I will take just two more minutes to wind up. मैं कह रहा था कि एक तरफ कंपीटीटिव वल्र्ड में देश के किसानों में यह भावनाएं हैं कि पंजाब में लोगों की बड़ी लैन्ड होल्िंडग्ज़ हैं। Only 2.5 hectares is the average holding per person in Punjab. Now you tell us how will he compete with the farmers of U.S. and other countries?
१७.३४ hrs (श्री देवेन्द्र प्रसाद यादव पीठासीन हुए) जिनके पास २०००० एकड़ जमीन है उनका मुकाबला करने के लिए कहा जा रहा है। इसका ध्यान इस दोहा के अगले राउंड में माननीय मंत्री जी रखें यह मैं कहना चाहता हूं और यह समझौता लागू होने से पहले या बाद में जो सबसे जरूरी बात है, ठीक है कि लैन्ड रिफॉम्र्स की बात देश में बनी हुई है, कई सूबों में वह लागू भी नहीं हुई है, लेकिन कंपीट अगर इंटरनेशनल मार्केट में करना है तो दोनों बातें एक साथ नहीं चल सकतीं कि एक तरफ देश में लैन्ड सीलिंग लागू कर दें और दूसरी तरफ कहें कि २०००० एकड़ वाले किसान के साथ जो अमेरिका में है, उसके साथ मुकाबला करें।
सभापति महोदय, मैं आपके माध्यम से मंत्री महोदय से कहना चाहता हूं कि इन सब बातों पर उन्हें विचार करना चाहिए। सबसिडी का अखबारों में बहुत जिक्र होता है। जापान, फ्रांस, यू.के. और अमरीका में किसानों को कितनी सबसिडी मिलती है और उसकी तुलना में हमारे देश के किसानों को बैंकों से ऋण लेने के लिए भी अपने बच्चों के मुंह की रोटी छीनकर ऋण लेने पर २० प्रतिशत रिश्वत देनी पड़ती है और इंटरैस्ट के ऊपर इंटरैस्ट दिया जाता है। मेरे केरल के मित्र श्री राधाकृष्णन जी ने अभी कहा और अन्य माननीय सदस्यों ने सदन में जो विचार प्रकट किए मैं सबकी बातों का समर्थन करता हूं।
सभापति महोदय, हमारे देश में ८ लाख ट्रैक्टर हैं और यहां सबसे ज्यादा मंडियां ट्रैक्टर बेचने की लगती हैं। ट्रैक्टर किसान ने बैंक से लोन लेकर ले तो लिया, लेकिन किस्त चुकाने का उसके पास कोई साधन नहीं है। इसलिए उन्हें अपने ट्रैक्टर बेचने पड़ रहे हैं। किसानों द्वारा खुदकुशी किए जाने की चर्चा करने का तो समय नहीं है, वरना मैं उनके बारे में बताता कि आज किसान की कितनी दुर्दशा हे। मेरा कहना है कि विकासशील देशों को अपना पूरा लोहा लेकर डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. का विरोध करना चाहिए।
महोदय, रासा सिंह जी रावत जी ने जिस शेर का जक्रि किया, मैं उन्हें बताना चाहता हूं कि हमारे टाइम में भी यह मामला उठा था। जब यहां पी.वी.नरसिंहराव प्रधान मंत्री थे, तब मैं कांग्रेस का सांसद था। हमने उस समय चिन्ता प्रकट की थी और कहा -
"वो पत्थर हैं जो गिर जाते हैं टुकड़े होकर, कभी हौसले भी मुसमार हुआ करते हैं मंजिल की तरफ बढ़ना ही तौहफा है आदम, रास्ते तो सभी दुश्वार हुआ करते हैं। "
यह पार्टी का मुद्दा नहीं है। यह मुद्दा पूरे देश का है। श्री सुनील खान ने जो यह मुद्दा इस सदन में पेश किया है जिसका समर्थन चौधरी साहब ने किया है, राधाकृष्णन जी ने किया है, लेकिन रासा सिंह रावत जी ने सहमति व्यक्त नहीं की है, मैं उन्हें बताना चाहता हूं कि लोक सभा में जब किसानों के मुद्दे पर चर्चा हो रही थी, तो किसी पार्टी के एक भी सदस्य ने विश्व स्वास्थ्य संगठन के मुद्दे का समर्थन नहीं किया। उन सभी ने यही कहा कि यह किसानों और इस देश के आम लोगों के खिलाफ है और हमें अपने देश की जड़ों से अलग करने वाला है। इस बात की पुष्टि इसी बात से होती है कि डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. की एग्रीकल्चर कमेटी ने खुद ही यह रिपोर्ट दी है कि पांच वर्षों में जो विकासशील देश हैं, उनकी तबाही हुई है, उसके कारणों की समीक्षा की जाए और सुधार किया जाए।
सभापति महोदय, हमारे कृषि मंत्री जी, बहुत काबिल मंत्री हैं, वे सभी बातों का लेखा-जोखा करेंगे। प्रजातंत्र में कई प्रकार की बातें होती हैं। वे इस बात को जानते हैं कि उनके प्रदेश के लोग इसका समर्थन नहीं कर रहे हैं। सारे देश के किसानों का विरोध है। कृषि मंत्री जी की सारे देश में इज्जत है, मान है, वे संवेदनशील व्यक्ति हैं। मुझे उम्मीद है कि वे दोहा में उठने वाले इस मुद्दे के ऊपर बहुत इफैक्टिव तैयारी करेंगे और हमारे देश की कृषि और इंडस्ट्री को तबाही के कगार पर नहीं पहुंचने देंगे। धन्यवाद।
श्री हरीभाऊ शंकर महाले (मालेगांव):सभापति महोदय, मैं आपका आभारी हूं कि आपने मुझे श्री सुनील खान संसद सदस्य द्वारा जो प्रस्ताव किया गया है उस पर बोलने के लिए समय दिया। मैं उनके प्रस्ताव का समर्थन करता हूं।
महोदय, दो-तीन प्रकार की गुलामियां होती हैं। एक आर्थिक गुलामी, दूसरी सामाजिक गुलामी और तीसरी राजकीय गुलामी। हमारे देश में धीरे-धीरे सामाजिक गुलामी कम हो गई है। भारत के प्रधान मंत्री श्री अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी ने १५ अगस्त को लाल किले की प्राचीर से तिरंगा फहराकर राजनीतिक गुलामी भी समाप्त कर दी, लेकिन आर्थिक गुलामी नहीं गई। आर्थिक गुलामी की ज़ड़ें बहुत गहरी होती हैं। आर्थिक गुलामी ही सामाजिक और राजनीतिक गुलामी का कारण बनती है। डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. आर्थिक गुलामी का एक रास्ता है।
इसे कांग्रेस लाई, कांग्रेस लाई, वर्तमान सरकार में बैठे हुए सदस्य भी ऐसे बोलते रहते हैं लेकिन मैं कहना चाहता हूं कि बार-बार किसी के ऊपर उंगली उठाना ठीक नहीं है। हमें इसमें क्या सुधार करना चाहिए, इसे देखने की जरूरत है। कृषि मंत्री जी कृषि के तर्क में बोलते हैं। श्री मारन को मैं बहुत दिनों से पहचानता हूं। आज किसान और कामगार लोगों की क्या हालत है। मुर्गी पालन के धंधे में तीन करोड़ लोग काम करते हैं। हमारे महाराष्ट्र में हथकरघा उद्योग में पांच लाख लोग काम करते हैं। मुम्बई में सूत उद्योग में पांच लाख लोग काम करते थे। वह उद्योग खत्म हो गया और वे लोग बेकार हो गए। जिन लोगों ने जमीन ली थी, उनको तो बहुत पैसा मिला लेकिन फैक्ट्री बंद होने से जो लोग बेकार हो गए, उनके बारे में सोचना जरूरी है। मेरे निर्वाचन क्षेत्र में उद्योग-धंधे बहुत अच्छी तरह बढ़ रहे थे लेकिन डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. के आने से वहां बेकारी बढ़ गई। इस पर विचार करने की जरूरत है। भारत की भूमि अलग है। अमरीका की नीति चाणक्य की तरह है। वह जानता है कि भारत की आबादी सौ करोड़ है जिसमें से २५ प्रतिशत लोग तगड़े हैं, दो सौ रुपये का एक कप चाय पीने वाले हैं। अमरीका के लोगों की नजर इस पर है। डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. के आने से पहले किसानों को अमरीका ने कितनी सबसिडी दी? डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. का करार होने से सबसिडी दुगनी कर दी। आपके ऊपर दबाव डाला जाता है कि सबसिडी नहीं देनी, यह नहीं करना, वह नहीं करना।
मोरारजी भाई पंथ प्रधान थे। चौधरी चरण सिंह ने कहा कि भारत दुबला, पतला देश नहीं है, यह स्वयंभू देश रहेगा, कभी किसी की परवाह नहीं करेगा। यदि कांग्रेस ने ऐसा किया तो आप गड़बड़ क्यों करते हैं, जोर से बोलिए, भारत को अपने पैरों पर खड़ा करने की कोशिश कीजिए। डब्ल्यू.टी.ओ. को फेंक दें, यही मेरी विनती है।
सभापति महोदय, आपने मुझे बोलने का समय दिया, इसके लिए मैं आपका धन्यवाद करता हूं। श्री सुनील खान द्वारा लाया सवाल बहुत महत्वपूर्ण है, राष्ट्रीय सवाल है, किसानों के बारे में है। मैं उनको भी धन्यवाद देता हूं।
SHRI LAKSHMAN SETH (TAMLUK): Sir, I rise to demand review of the Terms of the GATT because our experience is very much bad. In every field, we are facing a serious crisis. In the field of agriculture, small-scale sector, and heavy industries, there is a serious crisis. After signing the GATT, if our country’s economy is going to be groomed, certainly, we could have supported it, but the result is going to be quite different.
I am giving some statistics. These are not my statistics; I am giving the statistics of the Central Statistics Organisation, which will certainly justify the review of the Terms of the GATT, and also the review of the withdrawal of Quantitative Restrictions. I am giving some examples and, I think, the House will agree upon to review the Terms of the GATT.
Sir, the industrial growth rate during April to June this year had nose-dived. The manufacturing sector is bleeding and the small scale sector is on the verge of a collapse. I would like to give some statistics here.
Sir, the industrial growth rate plunged to 1.5 per cent in the period between April and June this year as compared to a 5.9 per cent growth last year. What does this prove? The growth in the power sector last year was five per cent. This has come down to 1.4 per cent this year. There was a growth of 4.4 per cent in the mining sector. This has plunged to three per cent this year. At present, the growth in the consumer goods sector is 4.9 per cent. It was 8.9 per cent last year. The growth rate in the capital goods sector also has come down to 2.9 per cent as compared to 7.6 per cent last year. In the consumer durable sector, the growth rate has plunged to eight per cent as compared to 24 per cent last year. The fiscal growth rate in this country during the period April to June has dipped to 7.5 per cent as compared to 22.7 per cent last year. A recessionary trend has started in every field of the economy. Unemployment is increasing. People living below poverty line, figures as given by the Planning Commission, is 27 per cent. Even after 54 years of our having attained Independence, the rate of illiteracy in our country is very high. What have we achieved through this GATT? What has happened because of this GATT? The developed countries that have acquired the technology are making use of their technology to produce various agricultural products and food processing products and are dumping in our country and thereby their industries are flourishing.
MR. CHAIRMAN: Shri Laxman Seth. Please take your seat. You can continue your speech next time. Now, the House would take up the Half-an-Hour discussion.