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20. The question of basic structure being breached cannot arise when we
examine the vires of an ordinary legislation as distinguished from a
constitutional amendment. Kesavananda Bharati ( : 1973 Supp SCR 1) cannot
be the last refuge of the Proprietariat when benign legislation takes away
their &'excess&' for societal weal. Nor, indeed, can every breach of
equality spell disaster as a lethal violation of the basic structure.
Peripheral inequality is inevitable when large-scale equalisation processes
are put into action. If all the judges of the Supreme Court in solemn
session sit and deliberate for half a year to produce a legislation for
reducing glaring economic inequality their genius will let them down if the
essay is to avoid even peripheral inequalities. Every large cause claims
some martyr, as sociologists will know. Therefore, what is a betrayal of
the basic feature is not a mere violation of Article 14 but a shocking,
unconscionable or unscrupulous travesty of the quintessence of equal
justice. If a legislation does go that far it shakes the democratic
foundation and must suffer the death penalty. But to permit the Bharati (
: 1973 Supp SCR 1) ghost to haunt the corridors of the court brandishing
fatal writs for every feature of inequality is judicial paralysation of
parliamentary function. Nor can the constitutional fascination for the
basic structure doctrine be made a Trojan horse to penetrate the entire
legislative camp fighting for a new social order and to overpower the
battle for abolition of basic poverty by the &'basic structure&' missile.
Which is more basic ? Eradication of die-hard, deadly and pervasive penury
degrading all human rights or upholding of the legal luxury of perfect
symmetry and absolute equality attractively presented to preserve the
status quo ante ? To use the Constitution to defeat the Constitution cannot
find favour with the judiciary ! I have no doubt that the strategy of using
the missile of &'equality&' to preserve die-hard, dreadful societal
inequality is a stratagem which must be given short shrift by this Court.
The imperatives of equality and development are impatient for
implementation and judicial scapegoats must never be offered so that those
responsible for stalling economic transformation with a social justice
slant may be identified and exposed of. Part IV is a basic goal of the
nation and now that the court upholds the urban ceiling law, a social audit
of the Executive&'s implementation a year or two later will bring to light
the gaping gap between verbal valour of the statute book and the executive
slumber of law-in-action. The court is not the anti-hero in the tragedy of
land reform, urban and agrarian.