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Lok Sabha Debates

Further Discussion On The Motion For Consideration Of The Compulsory Voting ... on 13 August, 2010

> Title: Further discussion on the motion for consideration of the Compulsory Voting Bill, 2009 moved by Shri J.P. Aggarwal on the 4th December, 2009 (Bill Withdrawn).

MR. CHAIRMAN: The House shall now take up further consideration of the Bill. Before I call hon. Minister Shri M. Veerappa Moily to resume his reply, I have to inform the hon. Members that the time allotted for discussion on the Bill has already been exhausted. If the House agrees, we may extend the time till the Bill is disposed of. I hope the House agrees.

SEVERAL HON. MEMBERS: Yes, Sir.

श्री हुक्मदेव नारायण यादव (मधुबनी):  महोदय, मेरा एक निवेदन है। पिछली बार माननीय मंत्री जी इस पर जवाब दे चुके थे।

सभापति महोदय :  नहीं।  

श्री हुक्मदेव नारायण यादव :  महोदय, मेरी बात सुन ली जाये। उन्होंने मेंबर से आग्रह किया था कि इसे वापस ले लिया जाये। जब वे बोलने के लिए खड़े हुए तब तक समय समाप्त हो गया था। इस पर जितना समय आपने दिया था, उससे चार गुणा ज्यादा समय इस पर बहस हो गयी। निजी गैर सरकारी विधेयक में ज्यादा से ज्यादा और विधेयक लोगों के रहते हैं, उन्हें लिया जाना चाहिए। इसके लिए भी समय सीमा निर्धारित होनी चाहिए। यह नहीं होना चाहिए कि एक विधेयक पर तीन-तीन सत्रों तक बहस चलती रहे और अन्य विधेयक न आयें।

MR. CHAIRMAN: The hon. Minister wants to speak. So, the House may certainly allow him to speak.

 

THE MINISTER OF LAW AND JUSTICE (SHRI M. VEERAPPA MOILY): Mr. Chairman, I thank you very much for extending the time to provide an opportunity for me to continue my reply which was started last time.

          I have already congratulated one of the most enlightened Members of this House Shri J.P. Agarwal for moving this Bill and 18 other hon. Members who have participated in the discussions. I have heard very keenly the ideas which have been floated. In fact, I have gone on record to say that I have no dispute on the Bill. I have no dispute on the arguments which have been advanced by every Member on the Bill. But, this is the goal. You have ultimately enlightened us to work out a roadmap to reach out to that goal. I think, to that extent, Shri J.P. Agarwal’s Bill and the support which has been extended by all the hon. Members will serve the purpose. I must congratulate once again Shri J.P. Agarwal for bringing forward this Bill and the other 18 hon. Members for launching a very good argument.

          I do not think I need to analyse the features of this Bill. Still, for the purpose of the recollection of the hon. Members, I would like to illustrate only a few features of the present Bill. Clause 2 of the Bill requires every voter to vote compulsorily at elections. Of course, a few exemptions have been illustrated. Clause 3 of the Bill requires the Election Commission to ensure protection and safety of the voters. Clause 4 of the Bill requires the Election Commission to send a list of all the eligible voters who have not cast their votes to the Central Government or the State Government, as the case may be.

          Clause 5 of the Bill provides for making arrangement for several polling booths at convenient places for the purpose of casting of votes. Clauses 6 and 7 of the Bill provide for making appropriate arrangements for the persons engaged in election duty and special arrangements for senior citizens, persons with physical disability and pregnant women to vote at an election. Clause 10 empowers the Central Government to make rules for carrying out the purpose of the proposed Bill.

          As I have already said, every objective which has been reflected in the Bill is highly laudable. In fact, the arguments which have been offered in favour of the Bill, if I may be given the liberty to illustrate them, include that voting is a civic duty compared to the other duties performed by citizens, for example, those relating to taxation, compulsory education or jury duty etc. Again, I must tell you that if the citizens think to vote, that is the basic thing. In fact, citizens are the foundations of this great democracy. Casting vote is really a fundamental duty which every citizen should perform. I think, nobody can say that this is not good.

          In fact, this has to be built into the psyche of the voter, psyche of the citizen. That is how a sense of duty and a sense of patriotism will have to be imbibed. Maybe we may have to take decisions not only in this political arena but also we need to incorporate, right from class I, it in the educational syllabus and in many other things. That is how ultimately the psyche has to be developed.

One German philosopher, Mr. C.G. Karl Jung,  gave one statement and I would like to not exactly quote him but tell what he meant to say. He said that human psyche is an important element. No drought, no flood, no big diseases will be that harmful, particularly when we have far advanced technology, medicines and other things, but there is no remedy as far as the human psyche is concerned. It was the human psyche of Bin Laden which demolished the World Trade Centre in America like an earthquake. So, human psyche is very important. In fact, we need to develop that kind of human psyche where one can see how we can live with democracy, breath with democracy. We have to see how we can definitely cultivate that kind of habit and consequently try to cultivate the habit to vote. That would be a comprehensive approach. Merely giving a right to vote is not the only political element which has to be viewed into it. This is what I would like to say. 

          Another thing which is in favour of the Compulsory Voting Bill is that the Parliament will reflect more accurately the will of the electorate. The will of the electorate will have to be totally manifested by 35 crores of people. Keeping many out of the mainstream of the exercise of franchise, can we say that the will of the electorate has been reflected properly? That is the argument on which Shri Jai Prakash Agarwal and rest of the Members spoke.

          The other thing is that the Government must consider total electorate in policy formulation and management. That is a question of participation in the democracy. If the people are not prepared to participate even at the elementary stage of formation of the Government, can we say that there is participation of the citizens as a whole in the process of governance?

          The next point, which you have said is that the candidates, can concentrate their campaigning energies on issues rather than encouraging voters to attend the polls. Yes, it is a big investment, namely, to enlighten the voters and to canvass for voting. Ultimately, it rests on taking the voters to the polling booth. Is it necessary for us to motivate them? Is it necessary to coerce them? Is it necessary to tempt them? These are all the basic things, which you have very rightly observed. I think that all of them will come to the polls the day we stop canvassing for votes. Perhaps, that is the ideal democracy, which can be there in India and we can do this. It will happen in India one day or the other that people will definitely imbibe this kind of a fundamental duty to democracy and come to vote. This should happen and all of us should work towards that direction.

          The last point, which you have canvassed or rest of the hon. Members have canvassed, is that the voters are not actually compelled to vote for anyone because voting is by secret ballot. You know that he has the liberty. Ultimately, all that is important in a democracy or success of a democracy is fearlessness, which liberates a person. Yes, freedom movement does it to a certain extent, but ultimately, not fearing poverty and not fearing threat is the real liberation, which you should find in a democracy like India, and we need to arrive at it. Hence, I am not going to give any arguments against it. Nobody has talked against it. Hence, there is no point that, as a Minister, I should come and say that the Bill is flawed on these grounds. So, there is no question of giving an argument against it.

          But let me come to analyse some of the highlights of this Bill, and it reflects what is the intention and the content of the Bill. The total number of voters in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections were 71.66 crore, which was the largest electorate in the world. We are proud of it. The total voters casting their votes was 41.66 crore. It means that there is a gap of almost 30 crore voters who did not participate in the process. We are claiming that we are the largest Parliamentary democracy and the largest electorate in the entire world, but 30 crore voters kept out of this process. It is a tragedy of democracy and it is a travesty of democracy. We need to set it right. It is not a new phenomenon, namely, compulsory voting. It has been prevalent in about 20 countries and it has succeeded. No country, which has taken recourse to compulsory voting, has retreated or withdrawn from that position. So, it is a successful experiment.

           It is also reported that there are a number of candidates in the Lok Sabha elections who have won by a margin of 13 per cent to 16 per cent votes. However, the margin will definitely depend upon the number of candidates. I do not want to narrate, but there are a number of candidates who have won elections, but lost the deposit amount or forfeited the deposit amount. If I can term it, it is some sort of pyrrhic victory, and we cannot say that it is an actual victory. The deposit of the candidates shall be forfeited where the poll has taken place and the candidate is not elected, and the number of valid votes polled by him does not exceed 1/6th of the total number of valid votes polled by all the candidates. It does not synchronize with the winning. This is how they win even if they forfeit their deposit.

          The Election Commission is making all efforts to campaign for awareness. A lot of money is spent by the Election Commission, by the Government of India, and by the State Governments to create that kind of awareness. I do not say that there is only one reason for restraining from going to polls. There are several reasons, which are genuine, legitimate and some of them are imposed.

16.00 hrs. Sometimes, you find your name in the voters’ list, but when you go to the polling booth, you do not find your name there because it has already been wiped out. We need to provide for the accountability of those people who prepare the voters’ list. This is one of the reforms that I am at it. We are going to do that. There are people who are willing to vote, but their names are not found in the voters’ list. These anomalies do appear.

          In case of general elections to the Lok Sabha, the President issues the notification under Section 14 of the Representation of People Act calling upon the parliamentary constituencies to elect. Similarly, under Section 15 of that Act, the Governor of the State calls upon the Assembly constituencies to elect. There is a small error. It is not the Election Commission who declares the elections. It is the Government which does it. However, the Election Commission issues the necessary notification in respect of the election.

          In 2009, the Representation of People Act was amended and made a provision for appeal to the District Magistrate in case of non-inclusion of names in the electoral rolls instead of the Chief Electoral Officer. I think recently we got that Bill also passed. Now, it will become an Act of the Parliament. We have done it.

          I have already said that India is a country of unity in diversity. This word has a lot of significance not on the ideological books, but in respect of all our lives, and that includes the polity of this country.

          Now, coming back to the present Private Member’s Bill, I would like to say that elections are the foundation-stone of any democracy. Rather I call it the ‘festival of democracy’. We celebrate. It is a ‘festival of democracy’. We enjoy it. That is how you herald the democracy, which is renewed again and again.

          In fact, the conduct of free, fair and impartial elections depends much upon the performance of three stakeholders – they are independent and impartial electoral machinery, political parties and candidates, and the electorate. These are the three stakeholders. All of them must act responsibly. In a democratic set up, every individual enjoys certain rights which, inter alia, include the right to vote.

          They enjoy that right. These three stakeholders must not only act, but also with responsibility. I think somewhere we missed accountability. This is what I am going to address in the days to come when I will come forward for a national consultation on comprehensive electoral reforms. I may hold it within two or three months. I am throwing up all these issues for discussion. Accountability is one such issue. How will the three stakeholders be held accountable? How to network it so that nobody fails? It is not only responsibility, but also it should be coupled with accountability. This is what the issue is. I would like all the hon. Members to participate in that great debate. I would like to do it for two days. We can have an open debate on that.

          What happens now-a-days is that many a time we will have a discussion among the political parties. I think we will have to go beyond that. We will have to invite not only the stakeholders, but also the citizens of this country, who should also feel that they are one in having this kind of a great debate. We want to sustain democracy in this country. We want every citizen to come forward and reach out to the goal.

          I do not know how far that perception is correct. One of the activists conducted a survey and they found that about 20-25 crores of electorate who belong to the middle-class, some of whom became eligible to vote after attaining the age of 18 years, consciously and deliberately have chosen not to vote. This is a danger.

If that is so, we need to have a perception study and assessment of that. We have not done that. We do a lot of things. But we need to analyse that kind of a study or a perception study or analysis of the attitude of the voters as to why they are not voting, what are the reasons for that. Unless we diagnose this, we will not be in a position to find a solution to this. Holding the National Consultation is one such idea so that we will have a perception study. Maybe that is possible and we will have to make a very quick study so that that study can be made available for the National Consultation which we are holding in future.

          The Right to Vote in a democratic set up should be construed to include the Right to Vote. It is the conscience of a person that does not allow him to cast his vote. Further I would like to say that electorates may not like to vote in the elections for a variety of reasons. He may not be satisfied with the developmental activities in the area. That is happening even now. And instances are that in elections where villages after villages boycotted the elections. They do not come to the elections because of the neglect by the representatives or the Government by way of protest against the lack of development in the areas concerned. That is also one of the reasons. Non-voting in such cases is to focus attention in a particular area. That is not a solution. That should not be the act of a responsible voter. I agree with that hundred per cent. In fact, it is also true that an elector may not be able to vote due to reasons beyond his control, such as illness, inability to reach the place of voting, sometimes he is prevented and his vote has been cast. That happens. Serious pre-occupation with unavoidable exigencies of engagements are due to pressure tactics often employed by political parties or groups in elections. These days, they are characterised by what is known as muscle power. No such studies have been made relating to reasons for low polling. I have already said that we would like to make that kind of a study on money power, muscle power, the caste power, the religious power. These are all having bad influences on the electorates. We need to eschew the atmosphere of a free and fair polling from all these influential elements; otherwise we cannot call it as a free and fair election. We need to address them and in fact, my reform agenda will address all those problems. I am not going to specify now.

Active participation in a democratic process by the people no doubt will strengthen the democratic traditions in the country. But such participation should better come out from the people voluntarily rather than by coercion or allurement. Coercion or allurement or temptation will have to be totally removed for a healthy development of a democracy. How to do it is a question that all of us should address and focus on that. It is in the best interest of this great nation. And a sense of duty in this regard is to inform the people on their own and it is this sense of duty which should be the motivating factor in impelling people to turn up in polling stations in large numbers. The people have to be conscious about their rights as well as their duties and this consciousness should guide all their actions including the voting of elections. It will however, be unfair to blame the people for the low voting percentage; it is not a reflection on them. We all know that when we gained our Independence in 1947, our literacy rate was only 16 per cent. Everyone doubted whether this illiterate lot can exercise their votes properly. I must tell you that I have seen that unpolluted voters are those who are really illiterate. More and more literate we become, more and more influences creep into that. I found in my own study as a Poet, also as a literary person, a lawyer and also a Law Minister that the highest casualty of dowry cases are from educated mother-in-law, father-in-law and sister-in-law. Mother-in-law and sister-in-law commit this.

We say illiteracy is the bane of the society in India. What do you say for this? Is literacy a bane or a blessing? I do not know! SHRI B. MAHTAB (CUTTACK): Does the Minister say ignorance is bliss?

SHRI M. VEERAPPA MOILY: I never said that. I posed a question to the entire country. I am telling you our experience. This is what is happening. I find it so shocking that classism, casteism is more prevalent among literate persons. They think caste will get them the political advantage, caste will get them the social advantage, caste will get them the economic advantage. It is getting deeper into them. That can be dangerous. I am not supporting either side.

MR. CHAIRMAN :  Hon. Minister says that we are not yet prepared for compulsory voting.

SHRI M. VEERAPPA MOILY: I have said I am prepared. But the question is there are constraints. Ultimately we need to do a lot of things. Understanding the ground realities, we need to cleanse the environment. It can be done. It is not impossible to do it if all of us put our minds together. I have already started it. It is the human psyche which is what we need to address.

          It would, however, be unfair to blame the people. I am not blaming the people. There are examples of the voters, barring sporadic incidents of total abstinence from voting, who have turned up in large numbers at election booths even braving risk to life to cast their votes at all elections. There are brave voters. They are prepared to vote and participate in the democratic festival.

          The Election Commission has also been exhorting people to realize the importance of their precious vote. It is making all possible arrangements for their safety. Their measures have the effect of awakening the conscience of the people. The conscience of the people ultimately results in the conscience of the nation. The conscience of the people will reflect in the conscience of the nation. If the people have no conscience, the nation will lose the conscience. This is the issue that we need to address very clearly.

          We need to add more teeth to the electoral system. A provision has been proposed in the fresh Bill for conferring voting rights to citizens of India absenting from their place of ordinary residence in India owing to employment, education or otherwise and are living outside the country. They are more popularly known as NRIs but really they are not NRIs in nature but they are the Indian citizens who have gone to other countries for employment or education or anything. They have a right to vote at the address which has been put in their respective passports. This Bill has already been cleared by the Standing Committee. After I get approval from the GoM it is coming before the Cabinet. Hopefully I will bring that Bill next time. Lakhs and lakhs of people will be added to the polling after that law is made.

          Sometimes people do not have confidence in the contesting candidates due to various reasons and that leads to no polling. Who is to be blamed? Are the voters to be blamed or the system? We will have to correct the system. Sometimes those candidates do win. That will further strengthen their disillusion in the whole system. Erosion of confidence of electors in the electoral system of the country is quite dangerous for the country. But any attempt to force the voters to compulsorily caste their vote without making them feel that they have the option of voting for the candidate with a clean image, who will really work for them, will be fatal for democracy. So, we need to address it. More and more such type may be added. Then what will happen? Sometimes that kind of a discontent, that kind of disillusion, the frustration, may be a volcano which is boiling and may erupt. That will be more dangerous to the democracy of the country. We need to prevent that. We need to address that.

          They find that their aspirations are not really met. This would be the volcano. It may be from a group of people or maybe an individual that is  growing but ultimately that may surface in the democratic set up. And that is how many parliamentary democracies have been destroyed and devastated. Our country, I hope, will not become that. Before it becomes or it reaches such a situation – some symptoms are reflected – we need to rectify that. This is what we seriously should address.

          The Committee on Electoral Reforms of 1990 headed by Dinesh Goswami was appointed by the Government to go into various proposals on electoral reforms. It also went into remedial measures on low percentage of polling at the elections. I have gone through all the Reports. We have prepared a big note on that for the benefit of national consultations. In this connection, the Committee considered the question of making voting compulsory. We have also discussed and debated about it.  This idea however was not accepted because of the practical difficulties involved in its implementation  and the contradictory views expressed by the Members of that Committee.

          In this connection, political parties, groups, and voluntary agencies have to play the greatest role in exhorting the people to exercise their voting rights, come what may,  and contribute in strengthening of the democratic institutions. I find that many studies have been made, many activists are involved in that. I must say that many of the studies I have found were more negative in nature than positive. What should be constructively done to change the psyche, to change the system? How it can involve these people? Everything emanates from the love of the country, love for the country. There, we feel that it is our Government, our country that we are going to face. It is our democracy. If that kind of a sense of belonging among the citizens is not built, we may mechanically give the life, but at the same time, we land into a system of total distortion.

          The role of the Government may be to accelerate the pace of development in all areas so as to relieve people from their basic problem. Let them think about the broader issues associated with their national identify. The remedy lies not in adding one more  law in the Statute Book. It may at best be for an ornamental purpose. We are passing laws after laws. But are we doing something to really add flesh and blood into those laws. We make the law and we think that our duty is over. But are we adding or contributing any flesh and blood into those laws? Any law, I would rather think, should not forget the social content, the economic content and the political content.  We do not address that. Maybe on some day, we  will bring in a law here, while passing it…… … (Interruptions) I am not convincing him; I am supporting him in undertaking concrete and effective measures to motivate people …( व्यवधान)

सभापति महोदय :  जब बक्त आएगा तब आप बोल सकते हैं।

…( व्यवधान)

 SHRI M. VEERAPPA MOILY:  We always say, `one man, one vote’. Is not it? But can we say `one value’? No, this is what I am addressing. We say, `one man, one vote’. Are we saying, `one value’? We have varied values. This is why we  get lost. We have several identities; that does not matter. But that identity does not say that they should have unequal value for each citizen. We need to address some of them? So, I must congratulate the hon. Member, Shri J.P. Agarwal  and 18 other Members who have contributed to the discussion.  I would like them to join in this National Consultation. There is no solution in passing just this law and finish this?

We are trying to bring out many reform measures, as comprehensive electoral reforms. We will address all these issues which include compulsory voting also. But that stand alone law will not take us anywhere. It has to be accompanied and coupled with many other laws, not only laws, but also principles like ‘one man, one vote and one value’.

          What are those values? Those values have been enshrined in the Constitution. The rule of law is there, by which everybody is equal before the law. That man stands up, goes to the poll, elects a person – just imagine, he realize this.

          I may narrate one of the incidents which I have said in my Ramayana, my epic poem. For 14 years, there was no King ruling Ayodhya – Bharata was not ruling, he was in a village; Rama was not ruling, but those 14 years really made the entire Ayodhya as Rama Rajya. Rama Rajya was not created by Dhasarata or Rama. Rama Rajya was created by the citizens; for 14 years, it is the citizens of Ayodhya who ruled that country, who made it Rama Rajya.

          All of us may claim that I have given the ideal rule; I have given the Ethiopian rule; I have given the best rule, etc. But if you do not empower the citizens to understand their rights, to rule their own country – if that day does not come – I do not say that our Indian democracy is perfect.

          I would quote one more instance from my epic poem and conclude my speech. Rama and Lakshmana were taken by Vishwamitra to Tataka Vana, where poor tribal people were being exploited. There, some of the women had been raped by Rakshasas and some of them became pregnant. Then Rama and Lakshmana went to them, equipped them with the capacity to build themselves. They said to one of the characters, Vanaja, that Rama and Lakshmana will not come back to this place again; in every house, Rama and Lakshmana should be born.

          This should be the ideal India and the ideal democracy that we need to build. With this, I conclude and request my hon. Member, Shri Agrawal to be kind enough to withdraw this Bill.

          He has the full and unanimous support for this. I hope that he would feel emboldened and would feel very happy that he has done his job perfectly well.

          We will all discuss this again within 3-4 months. I would call a big debate in the nation, for a comprehensive electoral reforms, where this could be one of the issues that we would discuss. How we could make it happen? This is a road map that we would build up together.

 

श्री जय प्रकाश अग्रवाल (उत्तर पूर्व दिल्ली): सभापति महोदय, मैं मंत्री जी को हृदय से धन्यवाद देता हूं। मेरे सारे कुलीग्स, जो ओनरेबल पार्लियामैंटेरियन्स हैं, जिन्होंने इसमें हिस्सा लिया ...( व्यवधान) आप भी उनमें से एक हैं। मुझे खुशी है कि सबने इसका समर्थन किया। मैं जो बिल लाया, मैंने जो स्टडी की और जो फैक्ट्स यहां रखे थे, उनको इकट्ठा करने में मुझे काफी समय लगा था। तभी मैंने कहा कि आज जरूरत है जब हम फंडामेंटल डय़ूटीज और राइट्स की बात करते हैं,  और जब हम वोट देने जाते हैं, तो वह परसेंटेज गिरकर 30,40, 50 और 60 परसेंट क्यों रह जाता है? जो लोग ये कहते हैं कि हमें रोटी दो। आप राज कर रहे हैं और हमें नौकरी नहीं मिल रही, एजुकेशन नहीं मिल रही, दवाई नहीं मिल रही, तो क्या फिर उनकी डय़ूटी नहीं है कि जिस दिन चुनाव हो, उस दिन वे सौ फीसदी वोट दें। अगर ऐसा होता, तो शायद मुझे यह बिल लाने की जरूरत न पड़ती। जब हम कोई मांग रखते हैं, तो हमें अपनी तरफ भी देखना चाहिए कि हमारी डय़ूटी देश के प्रति क्या है?

          सभापति महोदय, वर्ष 1947 से पहले किसी ने किसी को तन्ख्वाह नहीं दी थी। महात्मा गांधी ने कोई पे रोल नहीं बना रखा था, जिसमें लोगों को  कहा कि आजादी के लिए लड़ो, हम पैसे देंगे।

भावना ही तो थी इस देश के प्रति कि यह देश मेरा है और इसे आजाद होना चाहिए। आज जब कोई सरकार बनने वाली हो, जो हमारे लिए काम करने, हमारे लिए कार्यक्रम और नीतियां तय करने की बात करने वाली हो, उस समय हम घर पर बैठे रहें या बच्चों के साथ कहीं घूमने चले जाएं या यह ध्यान न रखें कि हमारी डय़ूटी है वोट देकर सरकार बनाना, तो मुझे लगता है कि शायद कहीं कभी इसकी जरूरत पड़े और इस बहस की जरूरत जरूर पड़ेगी कि क्या वजह है, क्यों आज वे लोग वोट देने नहीं आते हैं? लोकतंत्र में मेजॉरिटी मानी जाती है। अगर 100 में से 51 लोग वोट नहीं देते हैं, तो वह चुनाव सही चुनाव नहीं माना जा सकता है। मैंने आपके सामने कुछ एनोमलीज, कुछ खामियां भी रखी थीं, जिसमें 16 प्रतिशत वाले का आपने बड़ा सही जवाब दिया, जिक्र किया। कुछ गलती भी है कि 16 प्रतिशत से कम पर अगर जमानत जब्त हो जाती है, तो वह जीता हुआ कैसे डिक्लेयर हो सकता है? इसे आपको ठीक करना चाहिए। मैंने एक अन्य मुद्दा उठाया था, जिसका आपने जवाब नहीं दिया। मैंने उसके बारे आज फिर एक बिल इंट्रोडय़ूस किया है कि धर्म के नाम पर वोट नहीं मांग सकते, तो धर्म के नाम पर पार्टी नहीं बन सकती है। धर्म के नाम पर और सेना के नाम पर पार्टी नहीं बन सकती है। पूरे सदन ने मेरे उस बिल का समर्थन किया है इंट्रोडय़ूस करने में। मैं आशा करता हूं  कि आगे अगर मुझे बहस करने का मौका मिला तो मैं उस पर चर्चा जरूर करूंगा। सभी ने इस पर चर्चा में हिस्सा लिया, इसके लिए मैं सभी को धन्यवाद देता हूं। ...( व्यवधान)

MR. CHAIRMAN :  Are you withdrawing the Bill?

श्री जय प्रकाश अग्रवाल : मैं मंत्री जी का बहुत आदर करता हूं, उन्होंने आग्रह किया है, इसलिए मैं अपना बिल वापस लेता हूं।...( व्यवधान)

SHRI B. MAHTAB : Sir, I have a point of order. I had participated in the discussion and I had categorically asked the mover of the Bill not to withdraw the Bill. I told him that this is a utopian idea. At that time he stood up and said, “No, it is not a utopian idea, I believe in this”.  He is now withdrawing it.

MR. CHAIRMAN: He is at liberty to withdraw it. He is the mover of the Bill and he is at liberty to withdraw it.

SHRI B. MAHTAB : The citizen of this country also has a liberty to vote or not vote.  How can you compel a person to vote?

MR. CHAIRMAN: He is at liberty to withdraw it.

 SHRI M. VEERAPPA MOILY: I may tell you, what happens in a Long Jump!  You just do not run, you stop and then take the jump. This is what he is doing.

श्री जय प्रकाश अग्रवाल : मैं मंत्री जी को हृदय से धन्यवाद देता हूं कि उन्होंने अपने लंबे भाषण में उन सारी बातों का जिक्र किया जिनको मैंने उठाया था। मुझे खुशी है कि आपने यह माना है कि इस विषय पर लंबी चर्चा की जरूरत है और उसके बाद हम इसमें तब्दीली कर सकते हैं। इन सारे आश्वासनों के बाद मैं अपने बिल को वापस लेना चाहता हूं।...( व्यवधान)

सभापति महोदय :  इसमें और लोगों के बोलने का स्कोप नहीं है।

…( व्यवधान)

श्री महाबल मिश्रा (पश्चिम दिल्ली): महोदय, बहुत लोग दिल्ली में बाहर से आते हैं।...( व्यवधान)

सभापति महोदय : ये बातें रिकॉर्ड पर नहीं जाएंगी।

...( व्यवधान)* सभापति महोदय : मिश्रा जी, आप बलवान हैं, लेकिन अभी कुछ नहीं हो सकता है।

…( व्यवधान)

SHRI JAI PRAKASH AGARWAL : I beg to move for leave to withdraw the Bill to provide for compulsory voting by the electorate in the country and for matters connected therewith.

MR. CHAIRMAN: The question is:

“That leave be granted to withdraw the Bill to provide for compulsory voting by the electorate in the country and for matters connected therewith.”   The motion was adopted.
SHRI JAI PRAKASH AGARWAL : Sir, I withdraw the Bill.